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Federal trade court blocks Trump from imposing sweeping tariffs under emergency powers law

Following are excerpts from a current Associated Press report:
WASHINGTON (AP) — A federal trade court on Wednesday blocked President Donald Trump from imposing sweeping tariffs on imports under an emergency-powers law, swiftly throwing into doubt Trump’s signature set of economic policies that have rattled global financial markets, frustrated trade partners and raised broader fears about inflation intensifying and the economy slumping.

The ruling from a three-judge panel at the New York-based Court of International Trade came after several lawsuits arguing Trump has exceeded his authority and left U.S. trade policy dependent on his whims. But for now, Trump might not have the threat of import taxes to exact his will on the world economy as he had intended, since doing so would require congressional approval. What remains unclear is whether the White House will respond to the ruling by pausing all of its emergency power tariffs in the interim.

The ruling amounted to a categorical rejection of the legal underpinnings of some of Trump’s signature and most controversial actions of his four-month-old second term. The ruling faces certain appeal — and the Supreme Court will almost certainly be called upon to lend a final answer — but it casts a sharp blow.

“The Worldwide and Retaliatory Tariff Orders exceed any authority granted to the President by IEEPA to regulate importation by means of tariffs,” the court wrote, referring to the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act. While tariffs must typically be approved by Congress, Trump has said he has the power to act to address the trade deficits he calls a national emergency.

He is facing at least seven lawsuits challenging the levies. The plaintiffs argued that the emergency powers law does not authorize the use of tariffs, and even if it did, the trade deficit is not an emergency because the U.S. has run a trade deficit with the rest of the world for 49 consecutive years.

Trump imposed tariffs on most of the countries in the world in an effort to reverse America’s massive and long-standing trade deficits. He earlier plastered levies on imports from Canada, China and Mexico to combat the illegal flow of immigrants and the synthetic opioids across the U.S. border.

The lawsuit was filed by a group of small businesses, including a wine importer, V.O.S. Selections, whose owner has said the tariffs are having a major impact and his company may not survive. A dozen states also filed suit, led by Oregon. “This ruling reaffirms that our laws matter, and that trade decisions can’t be made on the president’s whim,” Attorney General Dan Rayfield said.

Comments

  • So he will just ignore the court. Can you say constitutional crisis? Sooner or later it will be so obvious it can’t be ignored. RIP CONSTITUTION.
  • Tomorrow’s tweet tonight: “Who the hell is this ‘court?’ Has anybody ever heard of them? Why are they rolling out these fake decision decisions that never should be allowed? It’s a disaster for our country and needs to be fixed IMMEDIATELY. Thank you for your attention to this matter!”
  • Following are excerpts from the United States Court of International Trade webpage:

    The United States Court of International Trade

    From the time of its establishment, the United States Court of International Trade and its predecessor bodies have been designed to provide “a comprehensive system for judicial review of civil actions arising out of import transactions and federal transactions affecting international trade.”

    This system, now established under Article III of the U.S. Constitution, is rooted in the mandate of Article I, Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution, providing that “all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.” The Court ensures... national uniformity in the judicial decision-making affecting import transactions.

    HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL TRADE LITIGATION


    The Customs Courts Act of 1980, historically the most significant legislation affecting international trade litigation, is also the most recent attempt by Congress to design the best judicial system for corrective justice in this area. The role of the United States Court of International Trade--as a constituent and significant part of the federal judicial system--is the culmination of a continuous process of empiric legislation enacted over the past 200 years.

    The first case tried before the first judge appointed to the first court organized under the Constitution of the United States involved a dispute arising from an importation into the new nation. Since that time, Congress periodically has addressed the many complex issues involved in resolving international trade disputes to solve specific problems or meet specific needs at particular times.

    In 1890, Congress provided for a Board of General Appraisers, a quasi-judicial administrative unit within the Treasury Department. The nine general appraisers reviewed decisions by United States Customs officials concerning the amount of duties to be paid on importations.

    As the number and types of decisions relating to importations expanded, Congress, in 1926, replaced the outmoded Board of General Appraisers with the United States Customs Court, a court established under Article I of the Constitution. However, the change was little more than a change in name, for the jurisdiction and powers of the tribunal remained essentially the same, and the Customs Court continued to function as did the Board of General Appraisers.

    Over the next thirty years, the Customs Court gradually was integrated into the federal judicial system until, in 1956, Congress declared the court to be a court established under Article III of the Constitution. Despite this important change in status, the jurisdiction, powers, and procedures of the court followed the pattern of its statutory predecessors.

    In the late 1960's, Congress recognized that fundamental changes were needed in the court's statutory procedures as well as in its jurisdiction and powers. The scope of these changes was so broad that Congress, in the Customs Courts Act of 1970, limited its efforts to procedural reforms. Congress deferred for subsequent legislation the remaining substantive issues concerning the court's jurisdiction and remedial powers, which were addressed in the Customs Courts Act of 1980.

    COMPOSITION OF THE COURT


    The President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoints the nine judges who constitute the United States Court of International Trade, which is a national court established under Article III of the Constitution.

    The judges, who are appointed for life, as are all judges of Article III courts, may be designated and assigned temporarily by the Chief Justice of the United States to perform judicial duties in a United States Court of Appeals or a United States District Court.

    The chief judge of the Court of International Trade is a statutory member of the Judicial Conference of the United States, and convenes a judicial conference of the Court of International Trade periodically for the purposes of considering the business and improving the administration of justice in the court.

    The Judicial Conference of the United States serves as the principal policy making body concerned with the administration of the United States Courts.

    The chambers of the judges, the courtrooms, and the offices of court are located at One Federal Plaza in New York City at the Courthouse of the United States Court of International Trade.

    JURISDICTION OF THE COURT


    The geographical jurisdiction of the United States Court of International Trade extends throughout the United States. The court can and does hear and decide cases which arise anywhere in the nation. The court also is authorized to hold hearings in foreign countries.

    The different types of cases the court is authorized to decide--that is, its subject matter jurisdiction--are limited and defined by the Constitution and specific laws enacted by the Congress.

    The subject matter jurisdiction of the court was greatly expanded by the Customs Courts Act of 1980. Under this law, in addition to certain specified types of subject matter jurisdiction, the court has a residual grant of exclusive jurisdictional authority to decide any civil action against the United States, its officers, or its agencies arising out of any law pertaining to international trade.

    This broad grant of subject matter jurisdiction is complemented by another provision in the Customs Courts Act of 1980 which makes it clear that the United States Court of International Trade has the complete powers in law and equity of, or as conferred by statute upon, other Article III courts of the United States. Under this provision, the court may grant any relief appropriate to the particular case before it, including, but not limited to, money judgments, writs of mandamus, and preliminary or permanent injunctions.

    PRACTICE AND PROCEDURES BEFORE THE COURT

    When a case involves the constitutionality of an act of Congress, a Presidential proclamation, or an Executive order, or otherwise has broad and significant implications, the chief judge may assign the case to a three-judge panel.

    Appeals from final decisions of the court may be taken to the United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit and, ultimately, to the Supreme Court of the United States.

    .
  • edited May 28
    CBS: "The three judges who wrote Wednesday's ruling were nominated to the bench by former President Ronald Reagan, former President Barack Obama and Mr. Trump in his first term."

    Edit: The ruling was Per Curiam, meaning that it was written on behalf of the full court.

  • edited May 28
    Can someone tell me how to play this good news tomorrow? Stocks? Bonds? Gold?

    "More details are needed," Rodrigo Catril, a strategist at National Australia Bank Ltd. in Sydney said in reference to the ruling. "Particularly whether there is an injunction or whether this goes to an appeal process and tariffs remain in place for now. The best guess at this stage is that the administration has enough powers to bypass the ruling and implement tariffs on several grounds " (Reported by Bloomberg)
  • hank said:

    Can someone tell me how to play this good news tomorrow? Stocks? Bonds? Gold?

    Futs soared on the news. Even if I wasn't on family travel right now. I wouldn't be doing anything tomorrow....let the dust settle and see what the next hair-brained scheme will be proposed.
  • I expect SC to strike down the ruling either with some novel interpretation of prior case law or manufacturing out of whole cloth a new doctrine.
  • edited May 28
    More ”whiplash” in store for investors. From Bloomberg tonight:

    US stock futures jumped and the dollar strengthened after President Donald Trump's global tariffs were deemed illegal and blocked by the US trade court … Contracts for the S&P 500 and Nasdaq 100 gained 1.4% and 1.7% respectively. The yen declined 0.7% and oil jumped. Shares in Nvidia rose over 5% in post-market trading in New York after the company delivered a solid revenue forecast. Equities in Japan and South Korea advanced at the open.”

    "The news out of the US could see some significant downside for gold in the sessions ahead as haven trades are pulled," said Nick Twidale, chief market analyst at AT Global Markets in Sydney, adding that prices could unwind further in the current trading session before finding some support. ”
  • @rforno - while I appreciate the head's up on tomorrows twit tweet you forgot to work in how this is all Biden's fault. Or is that just implied at this stage of nonsense?
  • edited May 28
    “'The Worldwide and Retaliatory Tariff Orders exceed any authority granted to the President
    by IEEPA to regulate importation by means of tariffs,' the court wrote,
    referring to the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act."


    The Trump administration alleges the trade deficit constitutes a national emergency.
    Our country has run a trade deficit for 49 consecutive years.
    Trump claims he has broad authority to set tariffs via the IEEPA.
    In the past, the IEEPA was used to impose sanctions on U.S. enemies or freeze their assets.
    No prior U.S. president has invoked this law to impose tariffs.
  • at Hank. Speaking for myself I would go crazy trying to trade this rollercoaster….Too many variables,,,, if the trend is your friend,,,, what do you do if no semblance of a trend is discernible? Yesterday it was the TACO trade,,, tomorrow the court trade,,,,, next week ?
  • He is going to need a BIG distraction to get eyes and ears off this hot mess.

    The US is going to war with Greenland in 3....2.....1...
  • At JD_co. You nailed it. How bout two wars at once. As the navy sets a blockade around Greenland the Army is massing troops in Detroit,,, preparing to cross the Ambassador Bridge into Windsor, Ontario. This will be the most troops in
    my hometown since the 82nd airborne Division invaded Detroit in 1967. “Should be wild” the moron famously said.
  • It will surely be appealed, whether it should be, or not. Just in order to stretch out the timeline and because the Orange Child is loathe to give up playing with his favorite toy. Rule of Law? LOL You silly people, we don't need no stinking Rule of Law!

  • @hank "Can someone tell me how to play this good news tomorrow? Stocks? Bonds? Gold?"

    I hear they, Wall St. , calls this the Taco trade.
  • He got irritated when a reporter asked him about the TACO trade. He is all barks but no bite. His tactics are poorly conceived and constructed. One would think he uses his trading team as sounding board before he announced his intent. Having a team go ‘yes’ men does not helpful.

    The large deficit is not solved with the tariffs for sure, but is is getting bigger and bigger with the news tax cut bill. I will be watching the bond market and the dollar since he cannot manipulates them readily.
  • edited May 29
    Next major distraction he already has planned: pardon the Michigan kidnapers. They were just bragging about 16 billion in tariffs, I just read they may have to pay 14 billion back if this court order sticks.
  • He got irritated when a reporter asked him about the TACO trade.

    He got irritated at the reporter. "Six month ago, this country was stone cold dead. We had a dead country. We had a country people didn't think it was going to survive. And you ask a nasty question like that."

    image

    Alternative facts, I guess.

    One can attribute the 1Q25 dip in GDP to a distortion due to tariffs - businesses rapidly importing products to beat the tariffs. But then one would also need to acknowledge a likely dearth of products and commensurate inflation going forward.

    Now that tariffs are, at least partially and for the moment, off the table, are domestic distributors overstocked and more generally what do people expect of prices over the next few weeks if not months?
  • Media this morning is saying that the Supreme Court would probably be satisified if Congress simply delegated their tariff power to the President. Since this lies in my sphere of ignorance, I don't know, but the talking heads, at least, are saying it isn't resoved at all by this ruling. I remain; just watching the show.
  • edited May 29
    The Court of International Trade ruling doesn't affect tariffs for automobiles, aluminum, or steel.
    These particular tariffs were not implemented via the IEEPA.
    Unfortunately, Trump could deploy other laws to impose tariffs.

    https://www.reuters.com/world/us/what-else-can-trump-do-global-tariffs-after-us-court-ruling-2025-05-29/
  • edited May 29
    ” … probably be satisfied if Congress simply delegated their tariff power to the President.”

    Perhaps initially. But there’s a larger issue of whether Congress can constitutionally delegate away to another branch of government an authority they are granted under the Constitution. Could Congress, for instance, delegate their Constitutional powers to impeach high officials or declare war to the executive branch? Could they delegated their power to levy and collect taxes to the judiciary?

    From the Constitution Article I, Section 8, Clause 1 : "The Congress shall have Power to lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States”.

    This will end up in the S.C. We’re in for some really interesting judicial proceedings, outcomes, precedents over the next couple years. I had trouble with Peter Navarro’s comments on BB this morning that the courts are engaged in a systematic “attack on the American people” along with his assertion that we are presently in the midst of a “national emergency” because China has (allegedly) killed millions of Americans in recent years through some technological bio attack (Covid I guess).

    The impact on markets? After a hot start in the early morning, major U.S. markets recoiled and are up only slightly. Gold, which first fell on the news last evening, is now positive on the day by nearly 2%.

  • edited May 29
    US Constitution 1.8.2 provides the power to issue debt to Congress. That literally meant that each Treasury debt issuance had to go through Congress. That was OK early on, but to simplify matters later, Congress DELEGATED the power to issue debt to Treasury, but created the debt-ceiling mechanism to keep a leash on Treasury.

    Well, now that debt-ceiling fiasco is a regular drama in DC.

    https://www.senate.gov/about/origins-foundations/senate-and-constitution/constitution.htm

    Section 8

    The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;

    To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;

    To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes;

    To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;

    To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;

    To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States;

    To establish Post Offices and post Roads;

    To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;

    To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;

    To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;

    To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;

    To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;

    To provide and maintain a Navy;

    To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;

    To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;

    To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;

    To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;—And

    To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.
  • @yogibearbull- Thanks very much for that.
  • The courts are gifting the man-child an exit opportunity....the chance to leave this messy Tariff rollout attempt in the dust. He would be able to pin it all on the courts.

    But he doesn't have the ability to admit to himself that this isn't going to work out well. Backing down would be showing you are "weak".

    Logic and common sense are not strong points there.
  • hank said:

    ” … probably be satisfied if Congress simply delegated their tariff power to the President.”

    Perhaps initially. But there’s a larger issue of whether Congress can constitutionally delegate away to another branch of government an authority they are granted under the Constitution. Could Congress, for instance, delegate their Constitutional powers to impeach high officials or declare war to the executive branch? Could they delegated their power to levy and collect taxes to the judiciary?

    This also relates to the existence of the debt ceiling (see end of this post).

    The answer to what Congress can delegate is "it depends". My take is that the more intrinsic a power is to Congress (whatever that means) the less able it is to delegate that power.

    Findlaw, Can Congress Delegate Its Power?
    The Supreme Court has sometimes declared categorically that the legislative power of Congress cannot be delegated,¹ and on other occasions has recognized more forthrightly, as Chief Justice Marshall did in 1825, that, although Congress may not delegate powers that are strictly and exclusively legislative, it may delegate powers which "[it] may rightfully exercise itself."
    https://constitution.findlaw.com/article1/annotation03.html

    As to why the Supreme Court would probably be satisified if Congress simply delegated their tariff power to the President, the answer lies in Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer (Truman steel mills case).
    Justice Jackson [in his concurrence] divided presidential actions into three categories that looked at the extent to which the President was acting in concert with Congress. With regard to the first category, he stated:
    When the President acts pursuant to an express or implied authorization of Congress, his authority is at its maximum, for it includes all that he possesses in his own right plus all that Congress can delegate. In these circumstances and in these only, may he be said . . . to personify the federal sovereignty.
    https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artII-S1-C1-5/ALDE_00013794/

    With respect to the debt ceiling, as Yogi noted Congress originally authorized each debt offering. In WW1, recognizing that this was unwieldy, Congress delegated discretion on how to borrow money (e.g. long vs. short). But it did not, and perhaps cannot, delegate its fundamental power to borrow money. Hence the debt ceiling.
    Before 1917, Congress authorized loans for specific purposes; with enactment of the Second Liberty Bond Act* in 1917, Congress moved to authorize separate limits for different types of securities (as explored in this 1950s treatment of the transition). In 1939, Congress again altered how it delegated authority to Treasury, creating the first ceiling on most types of borrowing instruments.

    Judging from the NY Times coverage of the 1917 episode, legislators paid little attention to the implications of mandating a ceiling. They focused instead on Treasury Secretary McAdoo’s request for a higher borrowing limit so as to fund an expensive war effort. The ceiling was created to empower, not rein in, Treasury (prompting a failed effort to create a congressional committee to oversee Treasury’s actions). Similarly, the creation of the aggregate ceiling in 1939 reflected congressional deference to Treasury, granting the department flexibility in refinancing short term notes with longer term bonds. As the Senate floor debate makes clear, senators viewed the move as removing a partition in the law that hampered Treasury’s ability to manage the debt.
    https://goodauthority.org/news/why-do-we-have-a-debt-ceiling/

    Finally, an observation: Congress does not seem especially happy with the tariffs. GOP members are concerned about their jobs should tariffs remain in place. Congress might not explicitly delegate tariff power (assuming that such delegation is deemed constitutional).
    https://finance.yahoo.com/news/trumps-tariffs-stoke-concerns-that-republicans-can-kiss-goodbye-to-their-majority-in-2026-152815014.html
  • @msf- Again, thanks much to you and Yogi for the excellent background information on this matter.
  • Since we're taking a hard look at the legal underpinnings of all of this, here's an opinion by Bloomberg's Matt Levine. Mr. Levine was a former investment banker at Goldman Sachs, an M&A attorney, and a clerk for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit.

    (I subscribe to Mr. Levine's newsletter, but unfortunately, I can't provide a link to that.)
    The legal problem with President Donald Trump’s tariffs is that the United States has a Constitution, and the Constitution says that Congress has the power to impose tariffs and the president doesn’t. This is not some weird technicality; this is just what the Constitution says. “The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises,” and “To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations.” But Congress did not pass President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs on April 2, or any of the various up-and-down permutations since then. That was all him, acting by executive order.

    Congress did pass a law, in 1977, that gives the president powers to “deal with any unusual and extraordinary threat, which has its source in whole or substantial part outside the United States, to the national security, foreign policy, or economy of the United States, if the President declares a national emergency with respect to such threat.” (This law is called the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977, or IEEPA.) Specifically, the president can “investigate, block during the pendency of an investigation, regulate, direct and compel, nullify, void, prevent or prohibit, any acquisition, holding, withholding, use, transfer, withdrawal, transportation, importation or exportation of, or dealing in, or exercising any right, power, or privilege with respect to, or transactions involving, any property in which any foreign country or a national thereof has any interest by any person, or with respect to any property, subject to the jurisdiction of the United States.” That long list is usually abbreviated, in this context, to “regulate … importation”: The IEEPA allows the president to regulate imports in an emergency. If he can regulate imports, can he impose tariffs on them? Eh, maybe, sounds like a regulation.
    And that is the legal theory behind Trump’s Liberation Day tariffs:

    1) There is an “unusual and extraordinary threat” (trade deficits), so the president can declare that all US trade with every country is a national emergency.

    2) In an emergency, he has the power to regulate imports.

    3) He will regulate imports by imposing tariffs on them.
    The specific words of the Constitution do not matter, because foreign trade is an emergency and the president must regulate it.

    We discussed this theory the day after Liberation Day, and again the following week. I don’t love it! As I wrote in April:
    The idea seems to be that every trade policy of every country in the world, over the past several decades, constitutes an “unusual and extraordinary threat.” This is a strange way to use words! How can every instance of trade with every country be unusual? How, after decades of trade deficits, is a trade deficit extraordinary?

    It is also a strange way to use law. The US is in a perpetual state of emergency with respect to every country forever, allowing the president to use emergency powers to bypass the Constitution to impose tariffs.
    We also discussed a doctrine of constitutional law called the “nondelegation doctrine,” which says that Congress cannot give up its constitutional legislative power to the executive. It can delegate some decisions to the executive, but only with an “intelligible principle” to guide the executive’s action. The executive can fill in the details of congressional legislation, but Congress can’t just tell the president “make any laws you want,” because the Constitution says that that’s Congress’s job.

    And so, I wrote, there are two possibilities here:
    1) The IEEPA doesn’t actually give the president the power to impose tariffs on every country just because he doesn’t like free trade. IEEPA powers are only for emergencies, and “international trade exists” can’t really be an unusual and extraordinary threat to the US.

    2) If the IEEPA did give the president sweeping powers to impose tariffs, that would be unconstitutional.
    This all struck me as obviously correct in principle, but I have become cynical about the Constitution actually controlling anyone’s actions here in 2025, so I called it “frankly pretty speculative” as a theory of actually stopping the tariffs. Still, worth a shot.

    And here you go!
    The bulk of President Donald Trump’s global tariffs were deemed illegal and blocked by the US trade court, dealing a major blow to a pillar of the Republican’s economic agenda.

    A panel of three judges at the US Court of International Trade in Manhattan issued a ruling Wednesday siding with Democratic-led states and a group of small businesses that argued Trump had wrongfully invoked an emergency law to justify some of his levies.

    The Trump administration filed a notice that it was appealing the ruling. The US Supreme Court may ultimately have the final say in the high-stakes case that could impact trillions of dollars in global trade. …

    The order suspends the vast majority of Trump’s tariffs — his global flat tariff, elevated rates on China and others, and his fentanyl-related tariffs on China, Canada and Mexico are all suspended by the ruling. Other tariffs imposed under different powers, like so-called Section 232 and Section 301 levies, are unaffected, and include the tariffs on steel, aluminum and automobiles.
    Here is the court’s opinion, which starts by laying out the issue pretty clearly:
    The Constitution assigns Congress the exclusive powers to “lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises,” and to “regulate Commerce with foreign Nations.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cls. 1, 3. The question in the two cases before the court is whether the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 (“IEEPA”) delegates these powers to the President in the form of authority to impose unlimited tariffs on goods from nearly every country in the world. The court does not read IEEPA to confer such unbounded authority and sets aside the challenged tariffs imposed thereunder.
    Later the court uses the basic two-possibilities framework I laid out in April: Either IEEPA has no limits (and is therefore unconstitutional), or it has limits (so Trump can’t just impose whatever tariffs he wants on everyone):
    Underlying the issues in this case is the notion that “the powers properly belonging to one of the departments ought not to be directly and completely administered by either of the other departments.” Federalist No. 48 (James Madison). Because of the Constitution’s express allocation of the tariff power to Congress, see U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 1, we do not read IEEPA to delegate an unbounded tariff authority to the President. We instead read IEEPA’s provisions to impose meaningful limits on any such authority it confers. Two are relevant here. First, § 1702’s delegation of a power to “regulate . . . importation,” read in light of its legislative history and Congress’s enactment of more narrow, non-emergency legislation, at the very least does not authorize the President to impose unbounded tariffs. The Worldwide and Retaliatory Tariffs lack any identifiable limits and thus fall outside the scope of § 1702. Second, IEEPA’s limited authorities may be exercised only to “deal with an unusual and extraordinary threat with respect to which a national emergency has been declared . . . and may not be exercised for any other purpose.” 50 U.S.C. § 1701(b) (emphasis added). As the Trafficking Tariffs do not meet that condition, they fall outside the scope of § 1701.
    The court decides that “any interpretation of IEEPA that delegates unlimited tariff authority is unconstitutional”: To be a constitutional delegation of power, IEEPA has to impose some limits on the president’s powers to regulate trade. And “the President’s assertion of tariff-making authority in the instant case, unbounded as it is by any limitation in duration or scope, exceeds any tariff authority delegated to the President under IEEPA.”

    Again, this all seems pretty obvious to me but, uh, what happens next? The government will appeal; I find this opinion convincing, but there is an audience for the argument that the president can do whatever he wants. (“The Supreme Court may again prefer Trump to precedent,” writes UBS’s Paul Donovan.) There are statutes other than IEEPA that allow the president to impose tariffs in more limited circumstances and with more procedures and findings; presumably the government will try those. “Nothing’s really changed,” said trade adviser Peter Navarro. But those statutes are a bit narrower. “Republicans in Congress have advanced legislation that would give the president wide authority to impose so-called reciprocal tariffs,” reports Bloomberg, “but concern about the impact of Trump’s widespread levies is expected to limit the appetite for moving that measure now.” For now, though, will the tariffs just … go away? Just because they’re illegal? Is that how this works?
  • Nicely laid out. Unfortunately what I expect here is the same thing that's being done with immigration - a shell game. When one law is shot down, just use another and keep the deportation planes flying (and the import cargo ships away).

    Meanwhile, no one knows from one day to the next what's going to land on our shores or how much its cargo will cost - now that the administration has acknowledged that China isn't going to be the one paying the tariffs (see Walmart) and Mexico isn't going to be the one paying for the wall ($46.5B - check out the Big Beautiful Bill).

    How would you like to be running a business, whether a mom-and-pop or a major manufacturer, having to navigate this?
  • edited May 29
    hank said:

    Can someone tell me how to play this good news tomorrow? Stocks? Bonds? Gold?

    The usual and what I have said since January. Do nothing and stop reading the same one sided "news".
    If you keep screaming the house is on fire 100 times about everything...you can complete the sentence.

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