Matt Levine, Money Stuff:
The Good Trades Have Gone Bad"DJT
There are basically two kinds of public companies in the US, which you can distinguish from each other by looking at their lists of top shareholders. Big institutional investors, and some individuals, have to report their stock holdings, and those reports get aggregated, by Bloomberg among others. So when I look at Bloomberg’s ownership page for JPMorgan Chase & Co., for instance, I see shareholders that include BlackRock and Vanguard and State Street, the “Big Three” index investors, but also big actively managed institutions like
Capital Group and Fidelity and T. Rowe Price. Also, though, when I look at the top of the page, I see that about 77% of the shares are accounted for: Institutions and individuals who report their share ownership own 77% of JPMorgan.
And then when I look at AMC Entertainment Holdings Inc., a big meme stock, I see that only about 27% of the shares are accounted for: A large majority of AMC’s holders are retail investors who do not have to disclose their ownership, so public ownership data is much sparser. At AMC too, the top holders include the Big Three index investors. But the rest of the top institutions are mostly not long-term asset managers like Fidelity or T. Rowe, but fast-money hedge funds like Renaissance Technologies and DE Shaw & Co., or proprietary trading firms like Jane Street Group and Susquehanna International Group. Most of those firms don’t own that stock as a long-term investment: They own that stock because they are essentially taking the other side of very active retail traders, in the stock or in options. (Quite possibly they own the stock to hedge options they have sold to retail traders.). Also they don’t own that much of it; that’s a market-making position, not an investment.
Last week, New York magazine had a very fun profile of Trump Media & Technology Group, Donald Trump’s small business that is also a large meme stock. (“‘It’s a company that essentially has the revenue of not even a medium-size McDonald’s franchise,’ says John Rekenthaler, a researcher at Morningstar,” but its market
capitalization today is more than $5 billion.) There is a lot about its fairly hapless founding by former Apprentice contestants, its struggles to go public by merging with a special purpose acquisition company, etc.:
The upshot was that even with the SPAC maneuver and its $300 million in limbo, there would be enough
capital to build a social network. And the executives had decided on a name. At a meeting at Trump’s golf club in Bedminster, New Jersey, Moss and Litinsky pitched him on Virt, short for virtuous. Trump suggested Truth instead. They looked up the domain TruthSocial.com, saw that it was available for a little more than $2,000, and bought it. When they ran the name by Melania, she burst out laughing. “Truth?!” she said, pointing at her husband. “This guy?”
And the story makes the reasonable point that, if Donald Trump becomes president again and you want to bribe him, Trump Media gives you some good ways to do so: A really ambitious bidder could try to acquire the company and cash out Trump’s multi-billion dollar stake, but even short of that you could buy stock to show your support, buy advertising on Truth Social, etc. If you’re an institution, your stock ownership would be public, so Trump could see it and be grateful.
This, though, is probably not that:
In March, Trump announced a surprising policy reversal. As president, he’d tried to ban TikTok, which is owned by a Chinese company; now, abruptly, he was for the social network’s continued operation. The about-face followed a meeting Trump took with Jeff Yass, a major Republican donor who owns a significant stake in TikTok’s parent. When reporters dug up the fact that his trading firm, Susquehanna International Group, had until recently been the single-largest institutional shareholder in Digital World, there was outrage: Here was a seemingly perfect example of a billionaire using Trump’s company to influence him. Susquehanna has since insisted that its 2 percent stake was offset by equivalent short positions and that it had “zero economic interest in Trump Media.” Even if that were true, taking multibillion-dollar investment firms at their word is hardly a model for good government.
I have no inside information here, but I will take Susquehanna at their word? Susquehanna is fundamentally a market maker: If it’s long 2% of Trump Media, that’s almost certainly because it’s also short 2% of Trump Media (or has sold options, etc.). Susquehanna being a big holder of Trump Media doesn’t actually mean that Susquehanna is a big investor in Trump Media. It means that Trump Media is a meme stock, and it doesn’t really have many big investors."