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Regarding the breadth of Section 4 of the 14th Amendment, it is worth reading the entire two sentences:the Court would sustain delegations whenever Congress provided an intelligible principle [like a borrowing limit?] to which the President or an agency must conform.
https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/amendment-14/section-4/The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/02/us/politics/debt-limit-14th-amendment.htmlThat section, historians say, was added because of fears that if former Confederate states were to regain political power in Congress, lawmakers might repudiate federal debts and guarantee Confederate debt.
Perry v. United States, 294 U.S. 330 (1935)We regard [the Fourteenth Amendment, in its fourth section] as confirmatory of a fundamental principle, which applies as well to the government bonds in question, and to others duly authorized by the Congress, as to those issued before the Amendment was adopted. Nor can we perceive any reason for not considering the expression "the validity of the public debt" as embracing whatever concerns the integrity of the public obligations.
Yeah, Andy's right here. That BS 60-vote threshold * needs to go, b/c it essentially paralyzes the Senate. Heck, right now they probably can't even get 60 votes to name a post office!!!
I haven't been able to find a clear article on what exactly happened, but one thing is clear: the House wouldn't have been the problem. If there was a legislative block, it was in the Senate. Dems couldn't have passed it on their own; it takes 60 votes to limit debate and bring a bill to an actual vote.
They might have used reconciliation to pass it with just D votes, but it would have taken 100% approval from the 50 D and independent/D-voting senators. Manchin and Sinema, especially Manchin, may have kiboshed it if a discussion went that far. His vote was difficult for Dems to corral all through the last Congress.
I haven't been able to find a clear article on what exactly happened, but one thing is clear: the House wouldn't have been the problem. If there was a legislative block, it was in the Senate. Dems couldn't have passed it on their own; it takes 60 votes to limit debate and bring a bill to an actual vote.
Especially, in early November, after the Democrats lost their comfortable majority of the House, they should have made this issue a top priority in the remaining two months of the legislative session. After all, it was well known what the Republican strategy would be. What am I missing?
Fred
Those are, I think, the main answers. But there is one other sort of dumb accounting answer. Most of SVB’s interest-rate risk came in its portfolio of “held to maturity” bonds. The idea here is that SVB bought a lot of bonds and planned to hold them until they matured. If it did that, the bonds — which were mostly US-government backed and so very safe — would pay back 100 cents on the dollar. So SVB didn’t need to worry about mark-to-market fluctuations in their value. If interest rates went up, and the value of these bonds dropped from 100 to 85 cents on the dollar, SVB could ignore it, because the value would definitely go back up to 100, as long as it held the bonds to maturity. (The problem is that it couldn’t: There was a run on the bank long before the bonds matured.)• 1) SVB had expenses, and it needed to make money. It had to invest its depositors’ cash to make that money. In 2022, if it had been earning short-term interest rates on that cash, it would not have made enough money to cover its expenses. The way that it made money was by investing at long-term interest rates, which were higher.[1] So it invested in long-term bonds, earned higher rates, and made enough money. “Hedging” would have meant swapping its long-term rates to short-term rates, which would have defeated its main purpose, making money. And in fact SVB did have some interest-rate hedges in place in early 2022; it took them off, though, to increase its profits.
• 2) SVB thought that it was hedged: It was buying long-term bonds, yes, but it was funding those purchases with deposits. Those deposits are technically very short-term: Depositors could take their money back at any time, and eventually they did. But it is traditional in banking to think of them as long-term, to think that the “deposit franchise” and the deep relationship between banker and customer would make customers unlikely to take their money out. SVB invested a lot in good customer service and good relations with its depositors; it also made loans to startups that required them to keep their cash on deposit at SVB. So it figured it had pretty long-term funding, and it matched that long-term funding with long-term assets. If it had swapped the assets to short-term rates, and then rates fell, it would lose money, and SVB thought that was the bigger risk. When SVB got rid of its interest-rate hedges in early 2022, it did so because it had become “increasingly concerned with decreasing [net interest income] if rates were to decrease”: It worried that the hedges would hurt it if rates fell.
Again, here the accounting standards line up with the way banks have historically thought about themselves, which is basically that they are in the business of holding long-term assets for the long term. “Why would a bank hedge interest-rate risk on its held-to-maturity portfolio,” the accountants ask, “if it is just going to hold that portfolio to maturity?”The notion of hedging the interest rate risk in a security classified as held to maturity is inconsistent with the held-to-maturity classification under ASC 320,[4] which requires the reporting entity to hold the security until maturity regardless of changes in market interest rates. For this reason, ASC 815-20-25-43(c)(2) indicates that interest rate risk may not be the hedged risk in a fair value hedge of held-to-maturity debt securities.
It has $3.9 billion of swaps to hedge $3.9 billion of available-for-sale securities, out of a total of about $141 billion of available-for-sale and $170 billion of held-to-maturity securities.Charles Schwab Corp. started using derivatives to hedge interest rate-related risk during the first quarter.
The derivatives had a notional value of $3.9 billion as of March 31, the Westlake, Texas-based company said in a regulatory filing Monday.
Schwab, which runs both brokerage and bank businesses, has been ensnared in the tumult ravaging US regional banks after the Federal Reserve embarked on its most aggressive interest rate tightening cycle in decades last year.
The firm confronted swelling paper losses on securities it owns and grappled with dwindling deposits as customers moved cash into accounts that earn more interest. Schwab executives have said those withdrawals will abate. The pace of cash withdrawals is already starting to slow, Chief Financial Officer Peter Crawford said in a recent statement.
IIRC they didn't like the 'optics' of doing it and then having the GQP lambasting the Dems as essentially blowing open America's spending from them into the '24 elections -- even though that's not what the 'debt ceiling' is, it's hard to explain such DC nuances to the average person.I know this is water under the bridge, but I am curious if anybody knows why Biden, Schumer and Pelosi didn't get together at the end of last year and raise the debt ceiling when they still controlled the House?
Especially, in early November, after the Democrats lost their comfortable majority of the House, they should have made this issue a top priority in the remaining two months of the legislative session. After all, it was well known what the Republican strategy would be. What am I missing?
Fred
MSCI, ESG Ratings Methodology, April 2023.Our assessment is industry relative, using a seven-point AAA-CCC scale.
Hess press release, Oct 11, 2021.Hess Corporation (NYSE: HES) has received a AAA rating in the MSCI environmental, social and governance (ESG) ratings for 2021 after earning AA ratings from MSCI ESG for 10 consecutive years.
Bloomberg, ESG Investors' Best Intentions Slam Into Surging Oil Stocks, March 15, 2023 (via FA-Mag, no paywall)BlackRock remains a signatory to the net zero initiative and its iShares ESG Aware MSCI USA ETF holds a host of oil and gas producers, including Exxon, which has a larger weighting than Facebook owner Meta Platforms Inc., and Chevron, which has a larger weighting than Walt Disney Co. Similarly, Exxon is the seventh-largest holding in the SPDR S&P 500 ESG ETF, which also owns Schlumberger, ConocoPhillips and EOG Resources Inc
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